兹比格涅夫·卡齐米尔兹·布热津斯基是波兰裔美国外交官和政治学家。1966年至1968年，他担任林登·约翰逊总统的顾问，1977年至1981年任吉米·卡特总统的国家安全顾问。布热津斯基属于现实主义国际关系学派，站在哈尔福德·麦金德和尼古拉斯·J·斯皮克曼的地缘政治传统中。布热津斯基是三方委员会的主要组织者。
Missing from much of the public debate is discussion of the simple fact that lurking behind every terroristic act is a specific political antecedent. That does not justify either the perpetrator or his political cause. Nonetheless, the fact is that almost all terrorist activity originates from some political conflict and is sustained by it as well.
许多公开辩论中缺少的是一个简单事实的讨论，即潜伏在每一个恐怖行为背后的都是一个特定的政治前因。这既不能为犯罪者辩护，也不能为他的政治事业辩护。然而，事实是，几乎所有的恐怖主义活动都源于某种政治冲突，并因此而持续下去。
All the historical pretenders to global power originated in Eurasia.
所有历史上全球权力的伪装者都起源于欧亚大陆。
Eurasia is home to most of the world's politically assertive and dynamic states.
欧亚大陆是世界上大多数政治自信和充满活力的国家的家园。
World War II and the ensuing Cold War compelled the United States to develop a sustained commitment to Western Europe and the Far East.
第二次世界大战和随后的冷战迫使美国对西欧和远东地区作出持续的承诺。
To his credit, Obama has undertaken a truly ambitious effort to redefine the United States' view of the world and to reconnect the United States with the emerging historical context of the twenty-first century. He has done this remarkably well.
值得称道的是，奥巴马做出了真正雄心勃勃的努力，重新定义美国的世界观，并将美国与21世纪新兴的历史背景重新联系起来。他做得非常好。
Americans must place greater emphasis on the more subtle dimensions of national power, such as innovation, education, the balance of force and diplomacy, and the quality of political leadership.
美国人必须更加重视国家权力更微妙的方面，如创新、教育、力量和外交的平衡以及政治领导的质量。
If the United States and China can accommodate each other on a broad range of issues, the prospects for stability in Asia will be greatly increased.
如果美中两国能在广泛问题上相互包容，亚洲稳定的前景将大大增加。
Both World War II and the subsequent Cold War gave America's involvement in world affairs a clear focus. The objectives of foreign policy were relatively easy to define, and they could be imbued with high moral content.
第二次世界大战和随后的冷战都使美国参与世界事务成为一个明确的焦点。外交政策的目标相对容易界定，而且可以有很高的道德含量。